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Moháammad b. Esháa@q b. Ab^ Ya¿qu@b al-Nad^m al-Warra@q al-Bag@da@d^ included in his Fehrest al-¿olu@m an extensive account of Manicheism, which gives details about Mani's life, teachings, and the fate of the Manicheans in the Islamic countries. The account is comparable to some non-Manichean descriptions of Manicheism: the Acta Archelai, which, however, narrates Mani's life as an anti-legend; the account of Theodor bar Ko@nai÷s in his Scholia, limited to cosmogony; and most accurately with the shorter, more consistently philosophical stylised accounts of ˆahrasta@n^ in his Keta@b al-melal wa'l-neháal and of Ebn al-Mortazµa@ in the Keta@b al-bahár al-zak¯a@r on the teachings of the Manicheans. The account in the Fehrest is the most extensive, varied, and reliable non-Manichean description of Mani and his teachings, and it is of the highest value for research on Manicheism even after the discovery of numerous Manichean original sources. Ebn al-Nad^m writes that he had known around 300 Manicheans in Bagdad at the time of the Buyid Mo¿ezz-al-Dawla (334-56/945-67), but at the time of writing (ca. 377/987-88) there were "hardly more than five" there (tr. Dodge, p. 803). This reduction in the number of Manicheans in the capital of Islam almost to the point of disappearance enabled his account of them to become a work of scientific-historical dimensions. It was easier for the author to report objectively, unpolemically, and to the best of his knowledge on a foreign, often persecuted, religion which had almost disappeared.

An overview of the content of Ebn al-Nad^m's chapter on the Manicheans is given in tabular form (see Table 1). The table offers a synopsis of the most important editions and translations of the text, and it may be used to locate passages in Flügel's now outdated edition corresponding to those cited in this article. A detailed account of the contents has also been given by E. G. Browne (Lit. Hist. Persia I, pp. 384-87).
 

Sources. An unfortunate consequence of the dwindling presence of the Manicheans in Baghdad was the decreasing knowledge of their teachings. Ebn al-Nad^m names the books and letters by Mani and his followers known to him (tr. Dodge, pp. 797-801). They are:

(1) Keta@b sefr al-asra@r (The Book of Secrets).
(2) Keta@b sefr al-jaba@bera (The Book of Giants).
(3) Keta@b fara@÷ezµ al-sama@¿^n (The Book of the Duties of Auditors) as well as Keta@b fara@÷ezµ al-mojtab^n (The Book of the Duties of the Elect; Ebn al-Nad^m, ed. Tajaddod, p. 399, l. 24). Flügel identified the first of these as the Kephalaia (Flügel, 1862, p. 363), but both titles listed have exact Iranian correspondents—Sogd. Ni©o@æa@ka@ne wi’va@© "The Homily of the Auditors" (Henning, 1944, p. 137) and Parth. Wi‘^daga@n saxwan "The Homily of the Chosen" (cf. Sundermann, 1984, p. 229).
(4) The ˆa@buhraga@n (Ar. *ˆa@borqa@n).
(5) Keta@b sefr al-eháya@ ("The Book of Animating" according to Flügel, Mani, pp. 367-68; the "Living Gospel," or, more probably, the "Treasure of Life").
(6) Keta@b feraqma@táaya@ (The Book of Pragmateia).

Then Ebn al-Nad^m names the titles of 76 (?) letters, which could have been the content of the collection of the Epistles of Mani, i. e. one of the canonical texts of the Manicheans (the seventh in this list). That does not necessarily mean that these are solely the letters of Mani, which would be grammatically possible but contradictory to Ebn al-Nad^m's words. Manichean sources mention a pentad or heptad of canonical texts but never include the Middle Persian ˆa@buhraga@n (Henning, 1952, pp. 204-5).

The chapters of the aforementioned "Book of Secrets" and the ˆa@buhraga@n are named, so one must assume Ebn al-Nad^m had a detailed knowledge of these works. Certainly, further information on the "Book of Giants" and other texts could have been lost in the manuscript transmission. The eschatalogical chapters of the ˆa@buhraga@n on the fates of the auditors, the elect, and sinners after death are also mentioned (tr. Dodge, p. 798). This fits in with F. W. K. Müller's realization that an exact correspondence between the apocalyptic damnation of the sinners in the Fehrest and in the MP fragments of the ˆa@buhraga@n exists (Müller, pp. 20-22). B^ru@n^'s statement that a chapter "On the coming of the Prophet" (ba@b maj^÷ al-rasu@l) belonged to the ˆa@buhraga@n proves, however, that the eschatological fragments cannot be the whole work (AÚt¯a@r, p. 118, l. 15). Carsten Colpe justifiedly tried to derive whole sections of the Fehrest (individual, cosmic eschatology, role of the sons of the Living Spirit) from the ˆa@buhraga@n (Colpe, 1954, pp. 124, 218-20).

Could the author of the Fehrest have directly referred to these texts as sources for his presentation? This supposition is supported by the fact that Ebn al-Nad^m elsewhere describes and even reproduces the alphabet of the holy books of the Central Asian Manicheans (tr. Dodge, pp. 32-33; ed. Tajaddod, p. 19). The letters in the extant manuscripts are mostly damaged beyond recognition, but this does not speak against Ebn al-Nad^m's reliability. On the other hand, one can prove that he followed at least one Arabic source extensively. It is unlikely that he used additional Modern and Middle Persian and Aramaic texts. The different, "western" terminology (Colpe, 1954, p. 124) of the Fehrest-presentation speaks against a direct use of the ˆa@buhraga@n.

It is clear, even if Ebn al-Nad^m does not say it, that his presentation depends at least in the sections Cosmogony, Ethics, Commandments, Events after Death, and End of the World on a lost text of Abu@ ¿Èsa@ Warra@q (Colpe, 1959, pp. 82-91; Vajda, tr. Widengren, pp. 454-76). Abu@ ¿Èsa@'s text itself contained citations from the ˆa@buhraga@n, Mani's Gospel and perhaps other canonical texts. The sources of other sections of the Fehrest cannot be identified with certainty.

Unfortunately Ebn al-Nad^m differentiated between his sources only generally. When describing Manichean teachings he introduces all sections with qa@la (Ma@n^) "he/Mani said". Sections dealing with Mani's life or the history of the Manicheans after Mani are introduced with wa q^la "and it has been said" and qa@lat al-ma@naw^ya "the Manicheans have said." Here the author, or his source, was using perhaps non-canonical writings (eg. hagiographic homilies) or was relying on oral information. The author refers to his information on Mani's genealogy and the dating of his public appearance as his own summaries or calculatons: qa@la Moháammad ebn Esháa@q "Moháammad b. Esháa@q said."

References to sources in Iranian languages. If Ebn al-Nad^m's information does also go back to the ˆa@buhraga@n, i.e. a Middle Persian work, we can expect references to a Persian model in the text of the Fehrest. Hans Jacob Polotsky had reported Walter B. Henning's observation that in the description of "Satan" the feet are described as "reptilian" (dawa@bb, ed. Tajaddod, p. 393, l. 7), which could have been the result of a confusion of MP de@wag "worm" with de@w "demon" (Polotsky, col. 250; Widengren, pp. 113-14; otherwise, unconvincingly, tr. Dodge, p. 778 with n. 157). It has been pointed out that the concept "the righteous ones" (sáedd^qu@n), i. e. the electi, could be translated from an Iranian tradition where they were called arda@wa@n (Böhlig and Asmussen, p.334, n. 3), which is not compelling. One may also mention that in the story of Adam and the Adamites two of his descendants are called by the Persian names Farya@d and Bar-farya@d, "cry for help" and "bring help" (ed. Tajaddod, p. 395, ll. 5 + 6; differently tr. Dodge, p. 784).

In other cases it is possible to compare terms of the Fehrest with their Iranian correspondents. But the possibility cannot be excluded that they are translations from the Aramaic. The "Mother of Life" is called "Happiness" (al-bahja, ed. Tajaddod, p. 393, l. 20, tr. Dodge, p. 780 reads al-bah^ja "the Happy One"). Bahja can be compared with the Sogdian name ra@mra@tox va©i (M 172 /I/r/18/) if this literally means "the god Sense of Joy" (pointed out by N. Sims-Williams, oral communication). The Fehrest mentions as a failing of auditors "being in two minds" (al-q^a@m be hemmatayn; ed. Tajaddod, p. 96, p. 396, l. 23; explained in the Fehrest as religious doubt). This corresponds exactly to MP pad do@ manohmed e@sta@dan (attested in the Hermas fragment, cf. Colpe, 1972, p. 412 and n. 2). Somewhat more distantly related is Aramaic plyg br¿yn÷ "ambiguous in opinion" (mentioned by Polotsky and Schmidt, 1933, p. 68, n. 4). The party name al-ma@s^ya could have arisen in Iranian circles (ed. Tajaddod, p. 394, l. 20, tr. Dodge, p. 783), if it comes from Sogdian ma@se "old" and means the "party of the old-believers", which makes good sense (they professed the teaching of the irredemptibility of a part of the Light-soul), but needs historical justification (Flügel, Mani, p. 242, derives the word from a personal name). Ebn al-Nad^m certainly knew about the Central Asian Manicheans. From there, he was acquainted with the Manichean script (and cf. the place names in tr. Dodge, p. 803). It is also asserted here that the Sogdian Manicheans were called aja@r^ (or a@ja@r^; ed. Tajaddod, p. 401, l. 6), which one could also read @a@ca@r^ and derive from (Buddh.) Skt. a@ca@rya- "teacher, master" (Asmussen, p. 137), in the sense of the heresy of following a teacher (Flügel, 1862, p. 399, "wage labourer"; tr. Dodge, p. 803, n. 330 suggests "al-Bukha@r^"). A particular East-Iranian influence on the legend of Mani's first meeting king ˆa@buhr I is assumed in J. Tubach's still unpublished article "Ostiranische Traditionen in der arabischen Überlieferung bei Ibn an-Nad^m."

Structure of the Manichean chapter. The author seems to have used two sometimes contrary principles in the structuring of his description of Mani and his teachings: (1) the desire to present the material logically and coherently, (2) the preservation of traditional pieces. The first principle is apparent in the sequence of the five portions of the text: (1) Mani's biography until his public appearance, (2) Mani's teachings from cosmogony to commandments and the innovations after his death, (3) Mani's end and eschatology, (4) Mani's writings, (5) history of the Manicheans in the Islamic era. The second principle resulted in the description of the worlds of light and darkness being given (tr. Dodge on p. 777 and then repeated with more detail on pp. 786-87). The description of Mani's end and the final evaluation of his personality in the passage on the reprimands of the Meqla@sá^ya against the Mehr^ya seem strangely out of place in the manuscripts (see also Flügel, Mani, pp. 99-100). But, in fact, the two are to be separated (thus correctly tr. Dodge, p. 794) and Mani's end is to be connected rather with the presentation of Manichean eschatology. Two differing versions of the liberation of the primal man from the power of darkness are given one after the other: (1) the "Friend of the Lights" (háab^b al-anwa@r), i.e., the first divinity of the second evocation redeems the primal man (tr. Dodge, pp. 779-80); (2) the "Spirit of Life", i.e., the third figure of the second evocation, completes the task along with the "Mother of Life" (tr. Dodge, p. 780). The second version is the usual one. The first appears only here in the Manichean tradition.

Hagiographic traditions. The presentation of Mani's life contains noticably more variants than that of his teachings. Ebn al-Nad^m gives three variants for the name of Mani's mother (tr. Dodge, p. 773). There are also three descriptions of Mani's death (tr. Dodge, p. 794). This is due less to the difficulty of correctly preserving personal names and historical events than to the fact that there was no canonical account of the life of the prophet. Instead its parts were constantly re-arranged, enlarged and corrupted by the following generations. It is possibly due to the sources available to Ebn al-Nad^m that the information on the larger, second part of Mani's life becomes steadily scanter.

The division of Mani's life into periods of twelve years, characteristic of the hagiographically stylised story of his life, is most apparent in the account of the Fehrest. The Fehrest is the only account to mention that the revelation of his spiritual twin occurred with the completion of his 12th year (cf. Sundermann, 1981, pp. 18-19) as well as that the command to proselytize was given by the twin when he was 24 (tr. Dodge, pp. 775-76, cf. Koenen and Römer, pp. 10-13). It does not mention, however, Mani's death at the age of sixty. On the contrary, if the assertion of the Fehrest that Mani had spread his teachings for "about" forty years as far as China (tr. Dodge, p. 776) before he met King ˆa@buhr I rested on a secure tradition, then this must have happened when he was 24 plus 40, i.e., 64 years old. (The proposal of Maricq, pp. 257-58, n. 2, that arba¿^n in the text be emended to arba¿a "four" is problematic in view of the enormous extension assumed by Ebn al-Nad^m of this journey.) As we can see, the impressive reconstruction of the myth of Mani's life by Henning (in Taqizadeh, 1957, pp. 115-21) has not yet been found complete in any work of the Manichean or non-Manichean tradition (cf. Sundermann, 1986).

That material of antiquity and historical value is to be found among the hagiographically stylised information of the Fehrest is shown by a tradition which was once doubted but has since been verified by the Cologne Mani Codex (Koenen-Römer, pp. 66 ff.). Mani's father joined the baptist sect, the mog@tasela (tr. Dodge, p. 774). Another passage of the Fehrest, which names the leader of the sect al-Háas^há (Flügel, Mani, pp. 132-34; tr. Dodge, p. 811; ed. Tajaddod, p. 403-4), i.e. Elchasaios (Sundermann, 1974, pp. 148-49; de Blois, pp. 55-56), shows this to be Elchasaits of the Cologne Mani Codex.

The description of Mani's first historical appearance (tr. Dodge, p. 775) also has a historical basis. It has a parallel closer to the events in the "Cologne Mani Codex" (Koenen-Römer, pp. 10-13, 74-75), and both accounts can now be dated to the year 240 (Henrichs and Koenen; cf. Sundermann, 1990, pp. 295-99). Among the various accounts of Mani's passion and end, Ebn al-Nad^m (tr. Dodge, p. 794) mentions the historically correct one of his death in prison (cf. Puech, pp. 51-53). It is remarkable that the topos of "Mani the Painter," which in other Islamic accounts has almost replaced that of the founder of a religion, does not appear in the Fehrest.

Presentation of the teachings. Most Muslim scholars and poets who dealt with Manicheism in their writings were more interested in the person Mani than in his teachings, especially if they were praising him as a skilled painter. In the Fehrest it is the other way round. The description of Mani's teachings occupies the main part. The high reliability of the account can be demonstrated in several ways.

Ebn al-Nad^m describes in detail the good deeds of the cosmic Elements of Light for the terrestrial world (tr. Dodge, pp. 780-81). He mentions the "pleasantness and refreshment" (men al-lad¯d¯a wa'l-tafr^há; ed. Tajaddod, p. 393, l. 24) afforded by the ethereal light. This corresponds to the Manichean "Sermon of the Soul", which accords each element five "merciful gifts" (iæno@hr). Particularly close is the Arabic choice of concept in the Old Turkish version of the work, which has ärdäm sävïn±, "preference and joy" (thus P. Zieme in Sundermann, 1977, p. 187 par. 36; see further Sundermann, 1977, p. 116, n. 22).

The puzzling naming of the "Spirit of Darkness" (Lat. concupiscentia, in Iranian languages a@z) as homa@ma (ed. Tajaddod, p. 394, l. 18; tr. Dodge, p. 783 translates "the bold chieftainess") can be shown to be an exact rendering of this demoness's epithet "Enthymesis of death" (MP ande@æiæn ^ marg, etc: cf. Polotsky and Schmidt, p. 77). Homa@ma thus belongs to Ar. hamma "plan something, aim for" (cf. Sundermann, 1978, pp. 491-93).

Of basic value for modern research because of their detail and and singularity are still the story of Adam, Eve, and their children (tr. Dodge, pp. 783-86; cf. also Stocks), with which one can now compare the fragments of a Manichean account (Sundermann, 1973, pp. 70-75); and the descriptions of individual and cosmic eschatology (tr. Dodge, pp. 795-97; see now Gardner, pp. 42-44, 53-58). Of unique value, at least as long as the Coptic corpus remains unpublished, is the information on the letters of Mani and his students (tr. Dodge, pp. 799-801). Certain details of the cosmogony are also not to be found in such detail in any other textual source, e.g., how the primal man arms himself with the elements for the fight against darkness (tr. Dodge, pp. 778-79) or how he obliges them as his sons to serve the world of light against the darkness (tr. Dodge, p. 781).

Generally one can say that Ebn al-Nad^m is most reliable and exhaustive in his account of the Manichean teachings. A remarkable gap is the almost complete lack of the "Third Ambassador," who is merely mentioned with the name baæ^r "messenger of good news" (ed. Tajaddod, p. 394, l. 26; p. 397, l. 13 [here to be understood as sun god]; p. 399, l. 10). Jesus and an "accompanying" god (ela@hon) are active in his place (tr. Dodge, pp. 783-84). This is a peculiarity shared with original Manichean sources (cf. van Lindt, pp. 221-22).

More importantly, however, the description of Mani's teachings given in the Fehrest shows clear features of an adaptation to Islam, which Ebn al-Nad^m already found in his sources, particularly in Abu@ ¿Èsa@ Warra@q, who "accomplished the for us most impressive adaptation of Manicheism to Islam" (Colpe, 1954, p. 217). Often, but not always, the Manichean gods are called "angels" (mala@÷eka), which must have softened the impression of what was for Muslims the blasphemy of polytheism ("the sons of the primal man," tr. Dodge, p. 781; "the Living Spirit," tr. Dodge, p. 781; and "the sons of the Living Spirit," tr. Dodge, p. 781 are "angels"). The emphasis that the devil, contrary to the chaotic world of darkness, is not eternal like the Father of the World of Light (tr. Dodge, p. 778) does not have to be an adaptation to Islam but it did perhaps attenuate Manichean dualism.

The adaptations to Islam distance the picture given in the Fehrest from Mani's own myth of his teachings, but this distance becomes larger in view of the fact that the basic Gnostic idea of cosmic redemption by light as the Self-redemption of the divinity, often mentioned in Manicheism, is not spoken of at all.

Manicheism under Islam. On the statements made about Manicheism during the Islamic period see the essay by G. Vajda in the bibliography. The statements on the Manichean split into the parties Meqla@s^ya and Mehr^ya (tr. Dodge, pp. 793-94) are very important for the history of the Manicheans, and, as Henning showed (1936, pp. 16-18), can be confirmed by Sogdian-Manichean letters from Turfan (cf. Sundermann, 1983). According to the Fehrest the Meqla@s^ya introduced innovations in the "long fasts" (wesáa@la@t), i.e. in ritual affairs, thus differing from ¿Abd al-Jabba@r's account, which attests for the Meqla@s^ya a dogma assigned by Ebn al-Nad^m to the Ma@s^ya (tr. Dodge, p. 783), viz. the irredemptibility of part of the Light (Monnot, p. 169).
 

Bibliography (for cited sources not given in detail, see "Short References"): Text editions and translations. M. Abu'l-Qa@sem^, "ˆarhá-e al-Fehrest-e Ebn-e Nad^m: ¿aqa@÷ed-e ma@naw^a@n," in AÚæena@ 5/22-27 1374 ˆ./1995 (text, Pers. translation). G. Flügel, Mani: seine Lehre und seine Schriften, Leipzig 1862 (text, translation, com mentary). K. Kessler, Mani: Forschungen über die manichäische Religion, Berlin, 1889, pp. 331-38 (commentary), 382-401 (translation up to the section "End of the World"). S. H®. Taq^za@da and ¿A.-¿A. ˆ^ra@z^, Ma@n^ wa d^n-e u@, Teheran 1335 ˆ./1956, pp. 149-79 (text).
 

Studies: J. P. Asmussen, Xua@stva@n^ft: Studies in Manichœism, Copenhagen 1965. F. de Blois, "The 'Sabians' (S®a@bi÷u@n) in Pre-Islamic Arabia," Acta Orientalia 56, 1995, pp. 39-61 (especially pp. 53-60). A. Böhlig and J. P. Asmussen, Die Gnosis III, Zürich, 1980. C. Colpe, "Der Manchäismus in der arabischen Überlieferung," Ph.D. diss., Göttingen, 1954. Idem, "Anpassung des Manichäismus an den Islam (Abu@ 'Èsa@ al-Warra@q)," ZDMG 109, 1959, pp. 82-91. Idem, "Die Formulierung der Ethik in arabischen Manichäergemeinden," in Ex orbe religionum: Studia Geo Widengren, Leiden, 1972, pp. 401-12. I. Gardner, "A Manichean Liturgical Codex Found at Kellis," Orientalia 62, 1993, pp. 30-59. W. B. Henning, "Neue Materialien zur Geschichte des Manichäismus," ZDMG 90, 1936, pp. 1-18 (repr. in idem, Selected Papers I, Acta Iranica 14, Leiden, Tehran, and Lieàge, 1977, pp. 379-96). Idem, "The Murder of the Magi," JRAS, 1944, pp. 133-44. W. B. Henning and G. Haloun, "The Compendium of the Doctrines and Styles of the Teaching of Mani, the Buddha of Light," Asia Major N. S. 3, 1952, pp. 184-212. A. Henrichs and L. Koenen, "Ein griechischer Mani-Codex (P. on. inv. nr. 4780; vgl. Tafeln IV-VI)," Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik 5, 1970, pp. 97-216. L. Koenen and C. Römer, eds., Der Kölner Mani-Kodex, Opladen, 1988. A. Maricq, "Les de‚buts de la pre‚dication de Mani et l'aveànement de ˆa@hpuhr Ier," Annuaire de l'Institut de Philologie et d'Histoire Orientales 11, 1951, pp. 245-68. G. Monnot, Penseurs musulmans et religions iraniennes, Paris 1974. F. W. K. Müller, "Handschriften-Reste in Estrangelo-Schrift aus Turfan, Chinesisch-Turkistan. II Teil.," Anhang zu den Abhandlungen der Königl. Preuss. Akademie der Wissenschaften, Phil.-hist. Kl., Berlin, 1904, pp. 1-117. H. J. Polotsky, Manichäismus in Pauly-Wissowa, Suppl. 6, pp. 241-71 (repr. in Widengren, 1977, pp. 101-44). H. J. Polotsky and C. Schmidt, "Ein Mani-Fund in Ägypten," SPAW, 1933, Phil.-hist. Kl., pp. 4-90. H.-Ch. Puech, Le Maniche‚isme: son fondateur, sa doctrine, Paris, 1949.
 

H. Stocks, "Manichäische Miszellen III: Bemerkungen zur manichäischen Protoplasten-Legende," Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte 3, 1951, pp. 358-62. W. Sundermann, Mittelpersische und parthische kosmogonische und Parabeltexte der Manichäer, Berlin 1973. Idem, "Iranische Lebensbeschreibungen Manis," Acta Orientalia Havniensia 36, 1974, pp. 125-49. Idem, "Some More Remarks on Mithra in the Manichaean Pantheon," in Études Mithriaques, Acta Iranica 17, Leiden, Tehran, and Lieàge, 1978, pp. 485-99. Idem, Mitteliranische manichäische Texte kirchengestaltlichen Inhalts, Berlin, 1981. Idem, "Probleme der Interpretation manichäisch-soghdischer Briefe," AAASH 28, 1983, pp. 289-316. Idem, "Die Prosaliteratur der iranischen Manichäer," in:W. Skalmowski and A. van Tongerloo, eds., Middle Iranian Studies, Leuven 1984, pp. 227-41. Idem, "Mani's Revelations in the Cologne Mani Codex and in Other Sources," in L. Cirillo and A. Roselli, eds., Codex Manichaicus Coloniensis, Cosenza, Italy, 1986, pp. 205-14. Idem, "Shapur's Coronation: The Evidence of the Cologne Mani Codex Reconsidered and Compared with Other Texts," Bulletin of the Asia Institute N. S. 4, 1990, pp. 295-99. Idem, Der Sermon von der Seele: Eine Lehrschrift des östlichen Manichäismus. Edition der parthischen und soghdischen Version mit einem Anhang von Peter Zieme, Turnhout, 1997. S. H. Taqizadeh, "The Dates of Mani's Life: Translated from the Persian, Introduced and Concluded by W. B. Henning," Asia Major N.S. 6, 1957, pp. 106-21 (repr. in W. B. Henning, Selected Papers II, Acta Iranica 15, Leiden, Tehran, and Lieàge, 1977, pp. 505-20). G. Vajda, "Les Zind^qs en pays d'Islam au de‚but de la pe‚riode abbaside," Rivista degli Studi Orientali 17, 1938, pp. 173-229 (German tr. as "Die Zind^qs im Gebiet des Islam zu Beginn der ¿Abbasidenzeit," in G. Widengren (ed.), Der Manichäismus, Darmstadt, 1977, pp. 418-63). P. Van Lindt, The Names of Manichœan Mythological Figures, Wiesbaden 1992. G. Widengren, Der Manichäismus, Darmstadt, 1977. P. Zieme, "Die türkischen Fragmente des 'Sermons von der Seele'," in Sundermann, 1997, pp. 186-89.